Dr. Farooq's
Study Resource Page
|
Excerpts from The History of
Materialism By Frederick Albert Lange New York: The Humanities Press, 1950 |
|
========================================================================= 180 ... The mingling of astronomy with the fantasies of
astrology was, for this very reason, not so disadvantageous as might be
supposed. Astrology, as well as the essentially related alchemy,
possessed in every respect the regular form of sciences,19
and were, in the purer shape in which they were practised by the Arabian
and the Christian savants of the middle ages, far removed from the
measureless charlatanry which made its appearance in the sixteenth and
especially in the seventeenth century, and after austerer science had
rejected these fanciful elements. Apart from the fact that the impulse
to inquiry into important and unfathomable secrets through that early
connection came to the aid of the scientific discoveries in astronomy
and chemistry, in those deep mysterious studies 19
Comp. Leibig, Chomische Briefe, 3 and 4 Br. The remark, “Alchemy was
never anything more than chemistry," goes, of course, a little too
far. .As to the caution against confounding it with the gold-making art
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, it must not escape us that
this is only alchemy run wild., just as the nativity delusion of the
same period is astrology run wild. The most imporortant contrast between
the spirit of modern chemistry and of medieval alchemy may be most
clearly shown in the relation between theory and experiment. With the
alchemists the theory in all its main features stood unshakably firm; it
was ranked above experiment; and if this gave an unexpected result, this
was forced into an artificial conformity with the theory, which was of
aprioristic origin. It was therefore essentially directed to the
production of this previously anticipated result rather than to free
investigation. This tendency of experiment is indeed still active enough
in our modern chemistry, and the authority of general theories, if not
in our own days, at all events in a period not very far behind us, was
very great. Yet the real principle of modern chemistry is the empirical;
that of alchemy, despite its empirical results, was the Aristotelo-scholastic.
The scientific form of alchemy as well as of astrology rests upon the
consistent carrying out of certain axioms as to the nature of all bodies
and their mutual relations-axioms simple in themselves, but capable of
the utmost varieties in their combinations. As to the furtherance of the
scientific spirit by means of astrology in its purer forms, compare,
further, Lecky, Hist. of Rationalism in Europe, i. 302 foIl. ; where
also, in note 2 to p. 303, several instances are given of the bold ideas
of astrological freethinkers. Compare also Humboldt's Kosmos, ii. 256
foIl. 181 themselves
was implied, as a necessary presupposition, the belief in a regular
progress of events following eternal laws. And this belief has formed
one of the most powerful springs in the whole development of culture
from the middle ages to modern times. We
must here also have special regard to medicine, which in our days has
become in a certain measure the theology of Materialists. This science
was treated by the Arabs with especial zeal.20 Here too,
whilst attaching themselves chiefly to Greek traditions, they
nevertheless set to work with an independent feeling for exact
observation, and developed especially the doctrine of life, which stands
in so close a connection with the problems of Materialism. In
the case of man, as well as in those of
the animal and vegetable worlds, everywhere, in short, in organic
nature, the fine sense of the Arabians traced not only the
particularities of the given object, but its development, its
generation, and decay-just those departments, therefore, in which the
mystic theory of life finds its foundation. Every
one has heard of the early rise of schools of medicine on the soil of
Lower Italy, where Saracens and the more cultivated Christian races came
into such close contact. As early as the tenth century, the monk
Constantine taught in the monastery of Monte Cassino, the man whom his
contemporaries named the second Hippokrates, and who, after wandering
through all the East, dedicated his leisure to the translation from the
Arabic of medical works. At Monte Cassino, and later at Salerno and
Naples, arose those famous schools of medicine, to which the seekers for
knowledge streamed from the whole Western world.21 29Draper,
Intell. Develp. of Europe, i. 384 foll. Less favourable judgments of
Arabian medicine will be found in Haser, Gesch. D. Med. (2 Auff., Jena,
1853), 173 foll., and in Daremberg, Hist. des Sciences Medicales
(Paris, 1870). Yet their great activity in this department is
shown clearly enough in these accounts . 21Comp.
Wachler, Handb. Der Gesch. D. Liter., ii. S. 87. Meiners Vol. I. 184 combined
with the fanatical conception of religious idea, is proved by the case
of the Jesuits, with those whole being that of the Assassins has a
striking similarity. To return to the natural science of the Arabinans, we cannot,
in conclusion, avoid quoting the bold expression of Humboldt, that the
Arabians are to be considered the proper founders of the physical
sciences, “in the signification of the term which we are now accustomed to give it."
Experiment and measurement are the great instruments with the aid of
which they made a path for progress, and raised themselves to a position
which is to be placed between the achievements of the brief inductive
period of Greece, and those of the more modern natural sciences. That
Mohammedanism exhibits most of that furtherance of natural study which
we assign to the Monotheistic principle, falls in with the talents of
the Arabians with their historical and local relation to Greek
traditions, without doubt, however, also with the circumstance that the
Monotheism of Mohammed was the most absolute, and comparatively the
freest from mythical adulterations. Finally, let us place among
the new elements of culture which might react upon a Materialistic
theory of nature the sources; and yet we must
not forget that this is the usual way in which victorious orthodoxy
deals with defeated sects. It is really here, apart from the frequent
instances of malicious misrepresentation, just as it is with our
judgment of so-called ‘hypocrites’ in private life. Unusual piety is
in the popular eyes either genuine saintship or a wicket cloak of all
that is vile. For the psychological subtlety of the mixture of genuine
religious emotions with coarse selfishness and vicious habits the
ordinary mind has no appreciation. Hammer sets forth his own view of the
psychological explanation of the Assassin movement in the following
words (S. 20, E. T. p. 13): - “Of all the passions which have ever
called in to action the tongue, the pen, or the sword,
which have overturned the throne, and shaken the altar to its
base, ambition is the first and mightiest. It uses crime as a means,
virtue as a mask. It respects nothing sacred, and yet it has recourse to
that which is most beloved, because the most secure, that of all held
most sacred by man-religion. Hence the history of religion is never more
tempestuous and sanguinary than when the tiara, united to the diadem,
imparrts and received an increase power.” But when was there ever a
priesthood which was not ambitious; how can religion be the most sacred
element of humanity if its first servants find in it only a means to
satisfy their ambition? Any why is ambition so common and so dangerous a
passion, 185
this
further one, which is handled at length by Humboldt in the second volume
of his Kosmos-the development of the aesthetical contemplation of nature
under the influence of Monotheism and of Semitic culture. The
ancients had carried personification to the utmost pitch, and seldom got
so far as to regard or to represent nature simply as nature. A man
crowned with reeds represented the ocean, a nymph the fountain, a faun
or Pan the plain and the grove. When the landscape was robbed of its
gods, then began the true observation of nature, and joy at the mere
greatness and beauty of natural phenomena. “It
is a characteristic," says Humboldt,* "of the poetry of the
Hebrews, that, as a reflex of Monotheism, it always embraces the
universe in its unity, comprising both terrestrial life and the luminous
realms of space. It dwells but rarely on the individual phenomenon,
preferring the contemplation of great masses. . . . It might be said
that one single psalm (Ps. civ.) represents the image of the whole
kosmos: The Lord,' who coverest thyself with light as with a garment;
who stretchest out the heavens like a since for the most part it only
leads, by a very thorny and extremely uncertain way, to that life of
pleasure which is regarded as the object of every selfish man? There is
obviously acting, often at least, and almost always in the great events
of world- history, in connection with ambition, an ideal which is partly
in itself overprized, but partly passes into a one-sided relation to the
particular person regarded as its special bearer. And this is the reason
why it is religious, ambition especially that is so frequent, for
the cases in which religion is employed by an ambitious but not
religious person as a valuable means must be very rare in history. These
considerations apply also to the Jesuits, who at certain periods of
their history have certainly come very near to the Assassins, as Hammer
represents them; while, at the same time, they would scarcely have been
able to establish their power in the souls of believers without the help
of genuine fanaticism. Hammer often adduces them, and certainly with
justice, as a parallel to the case of the Assassins (S, 337, et
passim, E.T. 216); but when he thinks the regicides of the French
Revolution worthy to have been satellites of the ‘old man of the
mountain,' this shows how easily such generalisations may lend to a
misapprehension of peculiar historical phenomena. It is certain that the
political fanaticism of the French 'men of terror' was, on the whole,
very sincere, and by no means hypocritical.
|
|
Home |
Islam Muslims contribution to
science Experimentalism Physical science history of science
Islam Muslims contribution to science Experimentalism Physical science history
of science
Islam Muslims contribution to science Experimentalism Physical science history
of science
Islam Muslims contribution to science Experimentalism Physical science history
of science
Islam Muslims contribution to science Experimentalism Physical science history
of science
Islam Muslims contribution to science Experimentalism Physical science history
of science